You might think that we have
been living in a post-bubble world since the collapse in 2006 of the
biggest-ever worldwide real-estate bubble and the end of a major
worldwide stock-market bubble the following year. But talk of bubbles
keeps reappearing – new or continuing housing bubbles in many countries,
a new global stock-market bubble, a long-term bond-market bubble in the
United States and other countries, an oil-price bubble, a gold bubble,
and so on.
Nevertheless, I was not expecting a bubble story when I visited Colombia last month. But, once again, people there told me about an ongoing real-estate bubble, and my driver showed me around the seaside resort town of Cartagena, pointing out, with a tone of amazement, several homes that had recently sold for millions of dollars.
Robert J. Shiller is Professor of Economics at Yale University and the co-creator of the Case-Shiller Index of US house prices.
Nevertheless, I was not expecting a bubble story when I visited Colombia last month. But, once again, people there told me about an ongoing real-estate bubble, and my driver showed me around the seaside resort town of Cartagena, pointing out, with a tone of amazement, several homes that had recently sold for millions of dollars.
The Banco de la República, Colombia’s central bank, maintains a home price index for three main cities – Bogotá, Medellín, and Cali. The index has risen 69% in real (inflation-adjusted) terms since 2004,
with most of the increase coming after 2007. That rate of price growth
recalls the US experience, with the S&P/Case-Shiller Ten-City Home
Price Index for the US rising 131% in real terms from its bottom in 1997 to its peak in 2006.
This
raises the question: just what is a speculative bubble? The Oxford
English Dictionary defines a bubble as “anything fragile, unsubstantial,
empty, or worthless; a deceptive show. From 17th c. onwards often
applied to delusive commercial or financial schemes.” The problem is
that words like “show” and “scheme” suggest a deliberate creation,
rather than a widespread social phenomenon that is not directed by any
impresario.
Eugene Fama certainly thinks so. Fama, the most important proponent of the “efficient markets hypothesis,” denies that bubbles exist. As he put it in a 2010 interview with John Cassidy for The New Yorker, “I don’t even know what a bubble means. These words have become popular. I don’t think they have any meaning.”
In the second edition of my book Irrational Exuberance,
I tried to give a better definition of a bubble. A “speculative
bubble,” I wrote then, is “a situation in which news of price increases
spurs investor enthusiasm, which spreads by psychological contagion from
person to person, in the process amplifying stories that might justify
the price increase.” This attracts “a larger and larger class of
investors, who, despite doubts about the real value of the investment,
are drawn to it partly through envy of others’ successes and partly
through a gambler’s excitement.”
That
seems to be the core of the meaning of the word as it is most
consistently used. Implicit in this definition is a suggestion about why
it is so difficult for “smart money” to profit by betting against
bubbles: the psychological contagion promotes a mindset that justifies
the price increases, so that participation in the bubble might be called
almost rational. But it is not rational.
The
story in every country is different, reflecting its own news, which
does not always jibe with news in other countries. For example, the
current story in Colombia appears to be that the country’s government,
now under the well-regarded management of President Juan Manuel Santos,
has brought down inflation and interest rates to developed-country
levels, while all but eliminating the threat posed by the FARC rebels,
thereby injecting new vitality into the Colombian economy. That is a
good enough story to drive a housing bubble.
Because
bubbles are essentially social-psychological phenomena, they are, by
their very nature, difficult to control. Regulatory action since the
financial crisis might diminish bubbles in the future. But public fear
of bubbles may also enhance psychological contagion, fueling even more
self-fulfilling prophecies.
One
problem with the word bubble is that it creates a mental picture of an
expanding soap bubble, which is destined to pop suddenly and
irrevocably. But speculative bubbles are not so easily ended; indeed,
they may deflate somewhat, as the story changes, and then reflate.
It
would seem more accurate to refer to these episodes as speculative
epidemics. We know from influenza that a new epidemic can suddenly
appear just as an older one is fading, if a new form of the virus
appears, or if some environmental factor increases the contagion rate.
Similarly, a new speculative bubble can appear anywhere if a new story
about the economy appears, and if it has enough narrative strength to
spark a new contagion of investor thinking.
This
is what happened in the bull market of the 1920’s in the US, with the
peak in 1929. We have distorted that history by thinking of bubbles as a
period of dramatic price growth, followed by a sudden turning point and
a major and definitive crash. In fact, a major boom in real stock
prices in the US after “Black Tuesday” brought them halfway back to 1929
levels by 1930. This was followed by a second crash, another boom from
1932 to 1937, and a third crash.
Speculative
bubbles do not end like a short story, novel, or play. There is no
final denouement that brings all the strands of a narrative into an
impressive final conclusion. In the real world, we never know when the
story is over.
Robert J. Shiller is Professor of Economics at Yale University and the co-creator of the Case-Shiller Index of US house prices.
http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/the-never-ending-struggle-with-speculative-bubbles-by-robert-j--shiller
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